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The political what we came to call the "preconditions"
involved the ability of the school system to form a
single agenda around student achievement and then to sustain
it over time. It involved the ability of the school board
to create a shared vision for what it wanted academically
and then to find a superintendent who shared that vision.
Boards in these faster improving districts changed from focusing
on decisions involving budget modifications and personnel
hiring to broader policy questions about student achievement
and overall district direction. They worked hard at selling
their policies to the public.
This was possible because the board and the superintendent
owned the same vision and had worked out together how they
were going to achieve it. In sum, the level of joint ownership
for reform at the superintendent and school board level was
different in the faster-improving districts than it was in
the cities that were not making gains.
The second thing that really distinguished the faster improving
districts involved the internal strategies they were pursuing.
These districts had nine "best practices" in common:
- They set districtwide and school-by-school goals for
improving student achievement that were measurable and had
specific timelines for attainment.
- They created a convincing accountability system that
started at the top of the district and went down at least
to the principal level. In most cases, the district placed
senior management on performance contracts tied to the districtwide
and school-by-school goals. In Sacramento, the school board
itself signed a pledge that it would step down if they could
not raise student performance.
- They adopted a single, districtwide curriculum, especially
in reading, that was aligned to state standards, supplemented
where necessary, and accompanied by detailed pacing guides.
These districts were also extremely skilled at unpacking
the store-bought programs they had acquired and analyzing
where the gaps were between those curricula and the state
performance standards and then supplementing the curriculum
with very targeted materials.
- They developed and implemented a districtwide professional
development plan on the curriculum's implementation rather
than having each school determine its own training.
- They established some kind of mechanism for driving reforms
into the classroom and then monitoring them. Sometimes this
meant reading or math coaches. Sometimes it meant a revision
in what principals were charged with doing. All of the districts,
however, used a fairly sophisticated "walk-through" process
for monitoring classroom practice.
- They conducted regular assessments of student achievement
over the course of the school year so they weren't waiting
until it was too late to do anything about a failing kid.
And they used the data in very sophisticated ways to intervene
in schools that were having trouble or with teachers who
needed more professional development or support.
- They started their reforms at the elementary level and
worked up rather than trying to tackle all grades at once.
- They back-filled with intensive strategies at the middle
and high school levels with kids who had not attained the
basic skills earlier. This usually meant double-blocking
kids in reading and math classes, or using specialized interventions
like Scholastic's Read 180. None of the districts, however,
made significant gains at the high school level and I
am convinced that it remains the last frontier of the school
reform movement.
- They had specific strategies for focusing on their lowest
performing schools. Sometimes this meant even more frequent
testing, or extra resources, or incentives for the best
teachers to work in these settings, or IEPs for each student.
Now, none of these things are particularly mysterious. Many
school districts do some of these things. What was different
in these cities was how seamlessly they integrated them. The
slower moving districts by contrast tended to be less
coherent, more program-driven, less data-oriented, and less
focused.
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